by:
Bob Desman
Ah! The Reagan years. So let's take a closer look. The
business paradigm of the '70’s was focused on gaining and growing "market
share." Because of shifts in economic conditions and theoretic contributions,
emphasis on the consumer transitioned to the welfare of the producer. The new
paradigm, "shareholder value," displaced the old. The metric for
measuring corporate success was share value versus consumer aggregation. How
could one maximize share value? Maximize profitability. There were only two
options: 1) raise prices, or 2) reduce costs. Consequently, the '80’s became an
era of downsizing, sale and leaseback of assets, automation, and off shoring.
Yes, the degradation of the manufacturing sector started in the mid-1980’s not
over the last eight years. The finance, insurance, and real estate sector
(FIRE) led the rest of industry as the primary contributor to GDP, computer
investment, and corporate profits. Manufacturing, transportation, communication,
and utilities (TCU) moved in the opposite direction but led in business
closings, decline in union membership, and layoffs. We had transitioned to a
post-industrial, service based economy. The last revision of the tax code was
1986 and it favored the new paradigm.
The civilian labor force as a percent of the total
population started to decline and has lagged population growth ever since. New
job creation was principally in the lower paying services sector. In 1980, the
working poor took home about 14.6% of all income, the middle class 31.8%, and
the top 20% got the rest. By 2010, the working poor's share was 11.8%, the
middle class 28%, and the top 20% had grown its share from 43% in 1980 to 50.2%
with almost half of that going to the top 5%. The rich got richer, the poor got
poorer, and the tax code never changed.
If you were doing business in the FIRE sector, the
deck was stacked in your favor and you would really have to try in order to
fail. If you were a real estate developer, you could buy a property, depreciate
it, and if you held it for five years, sell it and only pay a reduced capital
gains tax on the difference between the depreciated price and the sale price.
If you held the property, you could keep accumulating the depreciation and use
it as a loss against income. If you held the property to your death, you could
will it to your heirs and all that depreciated value would be erased. If they
sold it at the fair market value of the property at inheritance there would be
no profit to be taxed. If they kept it, they could start depreciating it all
over again. Further, if your company was in real estate and organized as an
LLC, profits and losses would pass through to your personal tax return. You
could shelter yourself from legal liability and simultaneously accumulate "tax
losses" from interest payments, property taxes paid, depreciation and
operating expenses. In short you could lose money on paper and still generate a
handsome cash income. If you had multiple companies, you could develop complicated
schemes to dodge tax liabilities and maximize cash flows (not always legally,
but it would take a lot of time to unravel the interactions and detect the
infractions. And, even then, the only penalty would be to pay the taxes and
accumulated interest unless tax evasion could be proven. This is rare as the
IRS just wants the uncollected taxes. In other words, the only crime is getting
caught. And, if caught, the only penalty is paying what you should have in the
first place. Have an army of tax accountants and tax attorneys and the whole
affair is mitigated).
Donald Trump does not "understand the tax laws
better than anyone else," his accountants and attorneys know how to deal
with the IRS. He cannot even be credited with surrounding himself with the talent.
Fred Trump, his father, was the architect of the Trump empire (and the safety
net in the event of failure). Fred died in 1999 and left Donald with a pretty
hefty inheritance. By that time, Donald was in the business of selling the "Trump"
brand and collecting licensing fees and royalties. Since Fred's passing one
need only to look at the "shyster businesses" Donald has participated
in to measure his acumen—retailing water, steaks, perfume, and clothing; a
modeling agency with questionable practices; Trump University. Before Fred
died, Donald dabbled with professional sports and the Casino business. Both
ventures failed and Fred was there to bail him out.
Why would a knowledgeable real estate mogul get
distracted from his core business particularly since the profit potential was
greater and the infrastructure was in place? Why would a hotshot developer
waste his time trying to be a television performer or beauty pageant operator?
Maybe the answer is that Trump's business acumen pales in comparison to his
ego.
Have you ever heard of Michael Otto, Donald Bren,
Simon and David Ruben, Gerald Grovenor, or Stephen Ross? Probably not, they are
the Americans who are among the top ten real estate barons in the world. Trump
does not make it into the top 20. All live quiet lives and have long histories
of philanthropy. Bren is the richest among them and has grown his wealth 40
fold over the last 33 years (Trump's brilliance has kept him on par with the
benchmark NAREIT index —his performance has been very average). "Beware of
false prophets".
We learned the lesson early on and
then forgot . . .
by: Bob Desman
Long ago in our misty past, our ancestors huddled
together in cold dark caves to hold the dangers of the night at bay. By sharing
their body heat, muscles, senses, and abilities they became a force with which
to contend. They protected their weaknesses and leveraged their strengths. They
encouraged, tended, and watched over each other. They had yet to harness fire,
but they already learned that collectively they had a better chance of survival
than if went their ways individually.
This was no mean feat. Our most primitive nature is to
compete; cooperation must be learned. Cooperating without reservation is one of
the most difficult leaps our hardwired systems must undertake. Yet, throughout
our history cooperation has demonstrated itself to be the most critical element
in achieving progress. Science stands on the shoulders of older science, art
derives from what has been created before and both depend on their progenitors
sharing their contributions. Thus, we can build a nuclear reactor but cannot
replicate a Stradivarius violin. Collaboration enables ideas and initiatives to
transcend lifetimes and physical space and to grow bodies of knowledge; it
facilitates defense from the stronger and exploitation of the weaker; it allows
us to spread risk and undertake specialization. There is no synergy in
isolation.
Governments, unions, and gangs are vehicles for
pursuing collaborative initiatives. They provide a collection point for the
many and a forum for their ideas. They can organize collective energy, talent,
and treasure and focus it on objective achievement. Formal organizations, by
their nature, are the only mechanisms that can harness all the benefits of
collaboration and pursue them effectively and efficiently. And, government is a
formal organization. At its core, it is not the role of a government to
facilitate personal autonomy it exists to promote collective welfare. One could
argue that an emphasis on autonomy is diametrically opposed to effective
collective action—a crowd of individuals simply cannot achieve what a committed
collaboration can. And, collaboration cannot be achieved if individuals do not
subordinate themselves to the common good. This is an unnatural yet necessary
precondition. Our forebearers learned this lesson the hard way yet they
abandoned their innate urges, pulled it off, survived, and left it for us (via
collaboration) as a legacy.
So here are my questions. Who benefits from convincing
us of the sanctity of the individual and autonomy? Who benefits from convincing
us that our government is the enemy of ourselves? Who profits from discouraging
us from using our collective strength to: provide healthcare as a basic right,
secure equitable compensation, regulate those more powerful than the
individual, provide equal protection before the law, ensure the cost of
democracy is equitably shared, make a good education accessible and affordable,
provide a safety net for those who fall on hard times, and secure our persons
and property by means related to the specific threats against them? Who wants
us to see ourselves as a country—a piece of real estate—versus a nation—a
network of relationships—and why is it in their interest to so divide us?
No comments:
Post a Comment